'Catch'에 해당되는 글 2건

  1. 2011.09.10 To Catch An APT by CEOinIRVINE
  2. 2008.11.10 Commentary: GOP needs to catch up to Obama's Web savvy by CEOinIRVINE

To Catch An APT

Hacking 2011. 9. 10. 02:23

To Catch An APT

It's not about prosecuting the nameless, faceless attackers behind these relentless targeted attacks -- it's about minimizing the damage they incur

Sep 08, 2011 | 09:37 PM | 0 Comments

By Kelly Jackson Higgins
Dark Reading
This is the second installment of a two-part series on security in the "Age Of The APT." Part one is here.

An advanced persistent threat (APT) attacker probably already has infiltrated your network: That's the new normal in security. But what can you do about it?

It's a matter of moving beyond the traditional mindset of thinking purely in terms of prevention. "We're trying to help people to think beyond intrusion prevention to post-infection detection and mitigation," says Will Irace, director of research for Fidelis.

Accepting the premise that the attackers are already inside can be unsettling -- even shocking -- to some organizations, but the reality is that these cyberespionage attacks have evolved from a military/Defense Department problem to one plaguing various corners of the commercial world as well. "Previously, it was the military, then it was government actors, then it was the Defense industrial base. We've seen the same actors continue to expand the number of their targets" to commercial firms in oil and gas, pharmaceuticals, and other areas, says Richard Bejtlich, CSO and vice president of managed services for Mandiant. "That to me is pretty amazing -- that they target so many different victims now."

Bejtlich says despite the ongoing and recurrent nature of these attacks, victim organizations eventually get better at staving them off. "The first time anyone deals with this, it's like nothing they’ve ever had to deal with before. That there is somebody out there after you, and they will not give up and will always keep trying to get back into your organization, is new for most people" to face, he says. "It may take [as long as] a couple of years, but we [ultimately] do see improvement" in how victim organizations defend against these targeted attacks.

Few of these attacks ever see the light of day in terms of public disclosure. A widespread cyberespionage attack targeting high-level officials at multiple civilian federal government agencies has been under way and under investigation for months now. The attackers used sophisticated malware and an SSL-encrypted connection for siphoning information from the targeted agencies, sending it back to their home servers.

The goal is to detect these types of attacks as quickly as possible, and to minimize the amount of exposure or loss of your intellectual property or trade secrets, for example. "How do you reduce the window of opportunity you have so they are not in your organization for weeks or months ... so you can detect them in a time frame of hours or days?" says Eddie Schwartz, CSO, at RSA Security. "That requires having access to all potential data related to the security problem."

Schwartz says unlike a traditional security event, with an APT-type attack you can't make a decision based on a single log or firewall event. "An end user account banging away at a system it normally doesn’t have access to," for instance, is just one piece of the targeted attack, he says.

"With an advanced attack, you have to ask, 'Is this part of something that has 10 to 12 other moving parts you need to track down and chase in the entire chain until we start killing it off [fully]?'" he says.

But these type of attacks are difficult to detect, and many organizations are still relying solely on prevention-oriented tools, such as signature-based technology and firewalls. APT attackers tend to favor zero-day vulnerabilities, or exploiting gaping holes within the targeted firm's infrastructure. The first step in most cases is to social-engineer an unsuspecting user, often with an email message purporting to be from someone he knows, or within his industry, and it carries its payload of a malicious attachment or URL that, when opened, gives the attacker a foot in the door.

The ideal defense against an APT attacker, security experts say, is a combination of the traditional preventative tools plus real-time monitoring of their networks and systems. But many tools today are looking at different pieces of the infrastructure, and making sense of all of the events and logs is often a painstakingly manual job. That just gives the attacker more time and opportunity to burrow further into the victim organization, often getting layers deep such that it's difficult to root them out.

Bottom line: There's no silver bullet today to defend and mitigate against these targeted attacks, experts says.

"Most of the monitoring tools historically deployed by enterprises lack the ability to get into the weeds and present meaningful information about the relationship between content and context. Was the file Alice posted to an image-sharing site really an image, or was it an exfiltration: an encrypted blob of data posing as an image? Is there malicious VBscript in the Microsoft Office file three layers down in a Zip archive that was mailed to my HR department?" Fidelis' Irace says. "It's not enough to discover such a thing 10 days after an infection through post-hoc forensic packet analysis: We need technologies that are able to spot and kill that stuff in real-time."

Network behavioral-anomaly detection tools can help, he says, but not with content. Intrusion-prevention systems can catch some things, but don't look at the payloads, he says. "Moreover, they're optimized for defending against packet-based attacks on servers, not payload-based attacks on clients. Sandboxing technologies are helpful after the fact, but they don't provide real-time awareness or protection," Irace says.

And packet-capture tools are good for postmortem investigation. "But like sandboxing technologies, [they] can't help enterprises get into the APT fight in real-time," Irace says.

PAGE 2: Blacklisting and whitelisting defenses.

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Editor's note: Republican Leslie Sanchez was director of the Bush White House Initiative on Hispanic Education from 2001 to 2003 and is the author of "Los Republicanos: Why Hispanics and Republicans Need Each Other." She was not a paid consultant to any 2008 candidate. Sanchez is CEO of the Impacto Group, which specializes in market research about women and Hispanics for its corporate and nonprofit clients.

Leslie Sanchez says the Republicans must catch up to Democrats in their use of new campaign technology.

Leslie Sanchez says the Republicans must catch up to Democrats in their use of new campaign technology.

Ever since John McCain and Howard Dean in 2000 showed the Internet's potential for fundraising, the question was always whether the Web could be effective at "GOTV," or getting-out-the-vote.

Among young voters at least, Barack Obama has proven that it can -- and, in the process, he's uncovered a major flaw that cuts to the core of the Republicans' approach to party organization and discipline.

Obama poured many of his campaign's millions into his social networking operations on the Web, which his campaign rightly saw as critical to building grassroots support and enthusiasm.

A community organizer by training, occupation and nature, Obama saw his databases for the potential they represented -- an army of supportive voices, a legion of potential volunteers, and a division of precinct captains.

Such is the world not just of Chicago ward organizations, but of politics everywhere.

The McCain campaign, reflecting the broader skepticism I've seen in the GOP about the Web, doubted whether the Internet could get voters out of their Barcaloungers (or, in the case of younger voters, off their futons) and into the polling booth.

Michael Palmer, McCain's Internet director during the primaries, told ABCNews.com last June that if Obama's online efforts "don't have an endgame political benefit, then they don't help you at the end of the day."

On Tuesday, Obama showed the Republicans the Internet's endgame.

On Facebook alone, Obama signed up 2.4 million users as supporters, compared with just 624,000 for McCain. A Facebook virtual ticker challenged users to actually go out to the polls, and clocked more than 1 million by noon on Election Day and 5 million by the time all the polls closed.

According to the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE) at Tufts University, the number of voters under 30 rose by 3.4 million compared with 2004.

About 66 percent of those voters supported Obama, compared with 32 percent for McCain. By contrast, the overall voting population gave Obama a much narrower margin of victory -- 53 percent to 46 percent.

In previous elections since 1976, according to CIRCLE, the percentage of young voters supporting the winning candidate varied by an average of only about 2 percentage points from the overall voting population.

At the least, young voters contributed to Obama's wins in North Carolina, Indiana, and Virginia.

When Mark Penn, then Hillary Clinton's chief strategist, chided Obama's supporters as "look(ing) like Facebook," he was right. While some of us over the age of 29 are just now mastering Twitter and Facebook, a UCLA survey of 272,000 college freshmen found that 86 percent spend "some time" each week on social networking sites like Facebook and MySpace.

Obama realized that the 70 million Americans on Facebook (the vast majority of them under the age of 30) have become accustomed to a Web experience that's interactive.

Web-based political social networking requires empowerment -- introducing well-trained, highly motivated local supporters to one another and then turning the campaign over to them.

McCain's official site included a social networking area, McCainSpace, but it was mostly an afterthought, competing for attention with messages from the candidate, campaign ads, issues summaries, photo galleries -- and of course the obligatory online donations and volunteer signups.

The Obama social networking site invited each new user to post a blog right away upon signing up. To the Obama Web team (which included one of the founders of Facebook), putting users in touch with one another was almost as important as putting the user in contact with the campaign.

Team Obama posted nearly 2,000 videos on YouTube, and the campaign contracted to build a text-messaging campaign that reached millions of voters geographically on their mobile phones. All told, it was a hefty viral marketing combination.

During the primaries, volunteers could sign in online, download a list of phone numbers and make calls from home to voters in the target states -- a virtual phone bank that other campaigns had to pay for.

Joe Trippi, the Democratic operative behind the Web-savvy Howard Dean campaign, was quoted in the New York Times noting Obama's progress: "We were like the Wright brothers," he said. Obama, on the other hand, "skipped Boeing, Mercury, Gemini -- they're Apollo 11, only four years later."

A college student and editor-in-chief of www.scoop08.com, Alexander Heffner, believes young voters were serious about voting this time around. "So many young people invested in him [Obama], unlike with Bill Clinton," Heffner told me.

The Obama campaign's use of the Internet will change campaign politics just as much as the fax machine and the autodialer did. If the GOP is going to compete in this growing tech world, they'll have to do more than just reverse-engineer the bells and whistles on Obama's Web sites.

They'll have to analyze Obama's entire approach to social networking -- a bottom-up, unruly approach that turns first-time voters into activists. That'll be easier said than done for a hierarchical organization that values order and discipline over all else (except, perhaps, seniority).

Nevertheless, if the GOP wants to compete on an even footing with the tech-savvy, social networking Obama-crats, they've got a real revolution ahead.





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