'Compromise'에 해당되는 글 4건

  1. 2009.03.22 Obama sticks to budget but sees room for compromise by CEOinIRVINE
  2. 2008.12.12 Senate Leaders Try to Work Out Compromise on Auto Bill by CEOinIRVINE
  3. 2008.11.07 Corporate Taxes: Time to Forge a Compromise by CEOinIRVINE
  4. 2008.09.30 House Leaders Vow to Seek Compromise by CEOinIRVINE

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - President Barack Obama vowed Saturday to stick to the big-ticket items in his budget proposal but acknowledged that dollar amounts would "undoubtedly change" as Congress prepared to take up his record spending plan.

Trying to refocus attention from the AIG (nyse: AIG - news - people ) bonus scandal that has drawn public outrage, Obama stepped up defense of his $3.55 trillion budget for fiscal 2010, a linchpin of his efforts to rescue the ailing economy from the worst crisis in decades.

"It's an economic blueprint for our future, a vision of America where growth is not based on real estate bubbles or over-leveraged banks, but on a firm foundation of investments in energy, education and health care that will lead to a real and lasting prosperity," Obama said in his weekly radio address.

The budget committees of the Senate and House were set to begin crafting their budget legislation next week.

Republicans and even some of Obama's fellow Democrats who control Congress have complained that his budget, the first of his presidency, is too costly. It projects deficits of $1.75 trillion this fiscal year and $1.17 trillion next fiscal year.

Congressional budget experts Friday offered a darker economic and budget outlook, projecting a $1.8 trillion deficit this year which could complicate Obama's efforts to win passage of his 2010 budget.

Taking on his critics, Obama said: "These investments are not a wish list of priorities that I picked out of thin air.

"They are a central part of a comprehensive strategy to grow this economy by attacking the very problems that have dragged it down for too long: the high cost of health care and our dependence on foreign oil, our education deficit and our fiscal deficit."


Reminding listeners that he had inherited a "fiscal mess" from his Republican predecessor, George W. Bush, Obama -- who took office on Jan. 20 -- reiterated his pledge to cut the federal deficit in half by the end of his term.

But he acknowledged room for compromise on a final budget deal. "As the House and the Senate take up this budget next week, the specific details and dollar amounts in this budget will undoubtedly change," Obama said. "That's a normal and healthy part of the process.

He urged lawmakers to act with a sense of urgency, saying "the challenges we face are too large to ignore." (Editing by Chris Wilson)






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President-elect Barack Obama called on Congress today to quickly approve short-term aid to the U.S. auto industry to prevent a "devastating" collapse, but a House-passed bill ran into strong Republican resistance in the Senate, and talks were underway this afternoon to salvage a compromise.

After hours of high-stakes talks, Senate Majority Leader Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.) said negotiations had taken a positive turn, setting up a potential breakthrough.

"We're a lot further down the road than I thought we would be," Reid said on the Senate floor late this afternoon.

As Reid spoke, a bipartisan group of senators and representatives from Detroit's Big Three automakers and the United Auto Workers union were meeting one floor below in the ceremonial Foreign Relations Committee Room, trying to broker an 11th-hour deal to save the rescue package.

One way or the other, Reid said, the negotiations would come to a final resolution tonight.

Faced with GOP opposition to a $14 billion White House-brokered rescue plan that passed the House last night, the negotiators were trying to work out a deal that could get through the Senate, where at least 60 votes would be needed to move it forward. Democrats currently control the chamber by a 50-49 margin, with one seat -- formerly held by Obama -- vacant.

Leading the negotiations were Sen. Christopher J. Dodd (D-Conn.), chairman of the Senate Banking Committee, and Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.), a member of the panel.

Corker today put forward a plan that would impose far more stringent auto industry restructuring standards than the House bill. It would reduce the wages and benefits of union workers at domestic car manufacturers by requiring the total labor costs of GM and Chrysler to be "on par" with those in non-union U.S. plants of foreign automakers such as Toyota and Honda.

A bloc of GOP conservatives rallied behind the alternative plan advanced by Corker, who spent much of the day shuttling in and out of meetings with UAW officials, auto industry executives and key Democrats.

Corker said there is "a whole lot of Republican support" for his measure. But some Democrats think it "goes too far," said Sen. Carl M. Levin (D-Mich.), an ally of the UAW.

If the Corker proposal falls flat, Republican senators said, there likely would be no rescue plan at all.

"Absent that," Sen. Jon Kyl (R-Ariz.) said of the Corker plan, "nothing's going to pass."



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Corporate Taxes: Time to Forge a Compromise

WHAT BUSINESS WANTS

American chief executives, whether they sit atop a sprawling multinational or work nights and weekends on a startup, think tax rates on business must be cut sharply. "I hear a lot of 'We're going to tax this or we're going to tax that,' " says Michael Dell, chief executive of computer maker Dell (DELL). "But how do we stay competitive? Jobs don't get created with new taxes."

Dell and others point out that the U.S. corporate tax rate, at 35%, is now second only to Japan's. Over the past decade, countries ranging from Ireland to China have slashed corporate rates and offered up a slew of tax incentives to lure jobs. The U.S. will have to do the same thing or it will continue to see its job base decline, warns William D. Watkins, CEO of disk-drive maker Seagate Technology (STX). He makes no bones about the fact that he takes the best deal he can get. "At the end of the day, how do I make my company stronger?" Watkins asks. "I move all my plants offshore. How long is it before I move all my R&D?"

Of course, most companies don't actually pay 35%. Thanks to a myriad of tax breaks, the actual rates that companies pay can vary widely. But the complexity of the tax system—and the sense that it encourages companies to make decisions based on tax advantages rather than strategic sense—have led to widespread business support for an overhaul of the corporate tax code. Last year such top executives as Jim Owens, CEO of Caterpillar (CAT), and Fred Smith, head of Federal Express (FDX), threw their support behind a proposal by Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson to cut the overall rate to as low as 28% in return for an end to many tax breaks. Representative Charles B. Rangel (D-N.Y.), the powerful chairman of the tax-writing House Ways & Means Committee, has floated similar proposals.

Spurring U.S. Investment

Problem is, no one agrees on which tax breaks are reasonable and which are egregious. It's especially hard to reach consensus on the question of taxing income earned overseas by American companies. Currently, the U.S. doesn't tax such profits until the foreign subsidiary transfers the money back home. U.S. companies say that if they had to pay Washington taxes on that income while it was still parked abroad, they wouldn't be able to compete in foreign markets where rivals pay lower or no taxes.

But many Democrats want to end the deferral, which they believe encourages companies to shift jobs abroad. Corporate lobbyists already are sounding the alarm. "Ending foreign deferral is a recipe for driving U.S. companies out of foreign markets, where most of the growth lies," says Ed McClellan, a former Republican tax counsel for the Senate Finance Committee who is now with PricewaterhouseCoopers. "It's a big worry for a lot of companies."

Rather than penalize overseas operations, many CEOs say the new President should use tax policy to encourage investment at home. Marijn Dekkers, CEO of instrument maker Thermo Fisher Scientific (TMO), believes an Obama Administration should support better incentives to locate new factories in the U.S. And like many entrepreneurs, Rick Warner, head of ParkingCarma, a Flint (Mich.) online startup, thinks taxes on small business should be cut. The U.S. needs "trickle-up financial incentives," he says. "No capital-gains tax for small or startup business owners, [including] their investors, up to the first liquidation, sale, or IPO."

WHAT'S LIKELY TO HAPPEN

Barack Obama's tax policy is likely both to please and to antagonize companies. Obama wants to use the tax code to encourage more investment at home, but he also vows to end the tax deferral on foreign income. Many Democrats are already eyeing the large pot of revenues that could be raised that way: The Treasury Dept. estimates that U.S. companies will escape $120 billion in taxes over the next decade by keeping profits offshore. Obama has also talked of ending "tax loopholes" for oil and gas companies, and he proposed a windfall profits tax when gas hit $4 a gallon. Capital-gains taxes on small businesses and startups, on the other hand, would be eliminated.

As for an overall cut in corporate rates in exchange for ending tax breaks, Obama has said he's open to the idea. He could take up the issue as part of a broad effort to tackle both corporate and individual rates, as Rangel wants. But after a campaign centered far more on middle-class tax cuts, there's little sign a corporate tax cut is a priority.

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Washington Post Staff Writer
Tuesday, September 30, 2008; Page A01

A bipartisan rebellion in the House killed a $700 billion rescue plan for the nation's financial system yesterday, sending global stock prices plunging, prompting fierce recriminations on the presidential campaign trail and dealing President Bush his worst legislative defeat.

House Democratic and Republican leaders vowed to go back into negotiations to devise compromise legislation to stabilize the credit markets, but no talks were scheduled. After U.S. financial markets closed, with the Dow Jones industrial average down a one-day record of 778 points, or 7 percent, Treasury Secretary Henry M. Paulson Jr. tried to calm frazzled traders, assuring them that work on a market intervention would resume.

"I will continue to work with congressional leaders to find a way forward to pass a comprehensive plan to stabilize our financial system and protect the American people by limiting the prospects of further deterioration in our economy," he said. "We've got much work to do, and this is much too important to simply let fail."

Rarely has a congressional vote held such high drama and produced such immediate repercussions, directly from the House floor to the trading floor. Wall Street traders huddling around television screens watched lawmakers denounce the bailout legislation, and then sent the Dow plummeting. Stocks had recovered somewhat by the time the vote was gaveled to a close, but jittery investors sent them plunging again as Republicans and Democrats took turns blaming each other for the defeat. In a few hours, $1.2 trillion in paper wealth was wiped out.

As lawmakers in Congress pointed fingers, the collapse of the world's financial markets only built steam. Brazil's main stock index lost more than 9 percent on the news of the U.S. congressional vote, and fears spread that other emerging markets could feel the credit crunch. European bourses fell earlier in the day as a result of the financial struggles of major European banks, and regulators from Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg moved to rescue the European banking and insurance giant Fortis. And Citigroup stepped in to buy Wachovia's banking operations for $2.16 billion, making it the dominant bank in the Washington area.



On the 228 to 205 congressional vote, 140 Democrats voted yes and 95 voted no; 133 Republicans opposed the measure, while 65 approved.

"The Democratic side more than lived up to its side of the bargain," said House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.).

House Minority Whip Roy Blunt (R-Mo.) said of the Democrats: "We're going to reach back out to them. We're going to be talking to our members and see how we can come together in the next few days to reverse whatever negative impact there may be in the economy over the next few days because Congress has failed to act."

Yesterday, Bush called nearly every member of Texas's Republican delegation, GOP aides said. He won over four of the 19.

Congressional leaders and the White House faced several options, none of them palatable just weeks before a heavily contested presidential election. Democratic leaders could choose to return with a measure guaranteed to win more Democratic votes, even at the expense of Republican support. Instead of simply purchasing distressed assets from financial institutions, some Democratic economists favor injecting lenders with cash in exchange for stock, letting the institutions figure out what to do with the mortgage-backed securities and other troubled assets weighing down their books.

A Democratic bill would also include more money for homeowners in or facing foreclosure and would change the bankruptcy law to allow judges to adjust mortgage repayment terms. But Democratic leaders would have to ensure that the measure could survive a filibuster in the Senate and would be signed by the president.

Republicans were advocating slight changes to the bill that could attract a handful of new votes. Party members might be enticed by a measure that would allow businesses to write off more past losses on this year's taxes or a more robust expansion of mortgage insurance, financed by banks. Democrats could add more assistance to ailing state and local governments without raising too many GOP objections.


How the Numbers Failed the Leaders
Too many conservative Republicans rejected the idea of a taxpayer-funded intervention, and too many moderates came from swing districts where constituents were up in arms. (Dayna Smith/Post)
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