'Politics'에 해당되는 글 165건

  1. 2008.11.25 Obama wants economic rescue approved 'right away' by CEOinIRVINE
  2. 2008.11.24 Obama Sets Expansive Goal for Jobs by CEOinIRVINE
  3. 2008.11.23 Obama's vetting could chase away candidates by CEOinIRVINE
  4. 2008.11.23 White House: Meeting set on North Korean nukes by CEOinIRVINE
  5. 2008.11.23 Bush pledges final hard push for Doha round by CEOinIRVINE
  6. 2008.11.23 Palin's star burns brightly as Oprah calls by CEOinIRVINE
  7. 2008.11.22 Commentary: Can Obama lead another New Deal? by CEOinIRVINE
  8. 2008.11.22 Attorney general back to work after fainting spell by CEOinIRVINE
  9. 2008.11.21 Ariz. Governor Said to Be Pick For Homeland Security Post by CEOinIRVINE
  10. 2008.11.19 A Skeptical Outsider Becomes Bush's 'Wartime General' by CEOinIRVINE

President-elect Barack Obama leaves after having dinner at a friend's home in Chicago, Saturday, Nov. 22, 2008. (AP Photo/Charles Dharapak)
President-elect Barack Obama leaves after having dinner at a friend's home in Chicago, Saturday, Nov. 22, 2008. (AP Photo/Charles Dharapak) (Charles Dharapak - AP)

CHICAGO -- With the economy in crisis, President-elect Barack Obama called on the new Congress to act quickly in passing a costly stimulus package to create jobs as a follow-up to the hundreds of billions of dollars the Bush administration has committed to rescue financial markets.

"The economy is likely to get worse before it gets better," Obama said Monday in a downbeat forecast, delivered 57 days before he takes the oath of office and with Americans heading into the year-end holiday season.

"Most experts now believe that we could lose millions of jobs next year," he said, urging the newly elected Congress to act quickly on his plans after opening its session on Jan. 6.

At a news conference, Obama was critical of the Big Three automakers, saying he was surprised they did not have a better-thought-out plan for their future before asking Congress to approve $25 billion in emergency loans.

He said once he sees a plan, he expects "we're going to be able to shape a rescue."

Obama declined to say how large a stimulus package he wants from Congress. Democratic lawmakers speculated over the weekend that the price tag could reach $700 billion over two years as the nation struggles to emerge from a recession compounded by a credit crunch. "It's going to be costly," the president-elect said.

Obama made his comments as he unveiled the top members of his economic team, beginning with New York Federal Reserve President Tim Geithner to be his treasury secretary. Geithner, 47, is a veteran of financial crises at home and overseas and has worked closely with the Bush administration in recent months.

Obama chose Lawrence Summers as director of his National Economic Council. Summers was treasury secretary under former President Bill Clinton.

Obama said his newly minted economic team offered "sound judgment and fresh thinking" at a time of economic peril.

He expressed confidence the nation would weather the crisis "because we've done it before."

Obama also announced two other members of his economic team in the making. He named Christina Romer as chair of his Council of Economic Advisers, and Melody Barnes as director of his White House Domestic Policy Council.

Obama's principal theme was urgency.






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President-elect Barack Obama is developing a plan to create or preserve 2.5 million jobs over the next two years by spending billions of dollars to rebuild roads and bridges, modernize public schools, and construct wind farms and other alternative sources of energy.

The plan, which Obama announced yesterday during the weekly Democratic radio address, is more expansive -- and undoubtedly more expensive -- than anything proposed so far to revive the nation's deteriorating economy. Obama said the darkening economic outlook demands that Washington act "swiftly and boldly" to diminish the risk that the nation "could lose millions of jobs next year."

"The news this week has only reinforced the fact that we are facing an economic crisis of historic proportions," Obama said, citing chaotic financial markets, rising jobless claims and the specter of a "deflationary spiral that could increase our massive debt even further." He provided few details and no price tag, but said his economic team is working on "a plan big enough to meet the challenges we face that I intend to sign soon after taking office."

While cast as a response to a rapidly worsening crisis, the plan could enable Obama to shift massive sums to domestic priorities that Democrats say have long been neglected, such as health care and education. It also could provide seed money to reshape major U.S. industries, hastening the production of wind and solar energy and fuel-efficient cars, for example. Obama said the plan would be "a down payment on the type of reform my administration will bring to Washington."

Obama has scheduled his second formal news conference since the election for tomorrow to introduce his economic team, including Federal Bank of New York President Timothy F. Geithner, Obama's nominee for Treasury secretary. According to Democratic sources, Harvard economist Lawrence Summers, a Clinton administration Treasury chief, will be named director of the National Economic Council. In this capacity, Summers will coordinate the Obama administration's overall economic policy.

Obama's advisers are coordinating with Democrats in Congress to craft a proposal intended to spur economic activity. Congressional leaders have said they hope to pass it shortly after the new Congress convenes next year and have it on Obama's desk soon after he takes office on Jan. 20.

Obama's address echoed many of the same ideas Democrats on Capitol Hill have been advocating for nearly a year.

Obama said his plan would launch "a two-year nationwide effort to jump-start job creation in America and lay the foundation for a strong and growing economy. We'll put people back to work rebuilding our crumbling roads and bridges, modernizing schools that are failing our children, and building wind farms and solar panels," as well as producing fuel-efficient cars.

"These aren't just steps to pull ourselves out of this immediate crisis; these are long-term investments in our economic future that have been ignored for far too long," he said.

Economists have called on the federal government to spend at least $150 billion and as much as $500 billion to ease the effects of what is expected to be the most painful and prolonged recession since World War II. A stimulus package signed by President Bush in February cost $168 billion.

House Democrats have been talking about a new package worth at least $150 billion, and possibly much more. During the presidential campaign, Obama proposed a two-year, $175 billion stimulus package with money for cash-strapped state governments and infrastructure projects as well as a $1,000 tax credit for working families.

The campaign did not release an estimate of the number of jobs that his latest proposal would create. But congressional aides who have been involved in developing stimulus proposals said that any plan to create 2.5 million jobs is likely to be significantly larger -- probably well over $200 billion, or between 1 and 2 percent of the gross domestic product.



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(CNN) -- When it comes to vetting potential high-level advisers, is President-elect Barack Obama too cautious for his own good?

President-elect Barack Obama's transition team is subjecting prospective employees to rigorous vetting.

President-elect Barack Obama's transition team is subjecting prospective employees to rigorous vetting.

As a presidential candidate, the former Illinois senator quickly adopted the nickname "No Drama Obama" for the meticulous level of prudence he applied to nearly every campaign speech, strategy decision and personnel appointment. The result was a nearly two-year-long presidential bid most notable for its seeming lack of a damaging gaffe or embarrassing misstep.

But some political observers say the president-elect's similar caution with respect to recruiting new administration officials and key high-level advisers may be turning away a string of qualified candidates wary of subjecting themselves and their families to the most rigid presidential vetting process on record.

After all, in addition to the already invasive FBI background check, the Obama team is requiring prospective candidates to complete a seven-page questionnaire that requires the disclosure of nearly every last private detail. In addition to the obvious questions involving past criminal history, candidates are asked about personal diaries, past blog posts, and the financial entanglements of extended family members.

"This questionnaire they've been giving to people who are thinking about signing up for a government job is extremely invasive," said David Gergen, a CNN senior political analyst and adviser to four past presidents

"I've never seen anything like this at the presidential level before -- the FBI asks these kind of questions, but to have the presidential transition team asking these questions requires ... great volumes of records that have to be checked out."

The most recent victim of the process appears to be Chicago businesswoman Penny Pritzker, the longtime Obama supporter and major Democratic fundraiser who was said to be the president-elect's top choice for commerce secretary.

Pritzker publicly took herself out of the running on Thursday, issuing a statement saying she had submitted no information to begin the vetting process and citing "obligations here in Chicago that make it difficult for me to serve at this time."

It could also be the case the multibillionaire Pritzker didn't want her corporation's financial ties fully made public or her family, among Chicago's most prominent, painstakingly investigated.

Sources close to the Obama transition say Pritzker's decision is not surprising given the nature of the vetting process, one they themselves have described as stressful.

But political analysts say the Obama team's unprecedented degree of scrutiny could result in several qualified individuals deciding to forgo consideration for a top post. This could especially be true among individuals considered for economic roles in the administration from the private sector who might be more financially entangled than those who have been longtime public servants.

"There is no question about the fact that the burdensome nature and the probing nature and the disclosure required for people coming into the administration is a deal killer for them," said Kenneth Gross, a political law and ethics lawyer in Washington.

"It could in several instances cause people who are qualified who will do a great job in the administration say, 'Look, I'm just not doing it.' "

The meticulous process has also reportedly caused a degree of consternation between the Obama aides and those to Sen. Hillary Clinton, believed to be the president-elect's top choice for secretary of state.

The New York Times reported Thursday that the relationship between the two camps has grown "increasingly sour" as the process dragged on and information steadily leaked to the media about the degree of which former President Bill Clinton's finances were being investigated. Still, aides close to the Obama transition team say the president-elect is on track to nominate his former rival to the secretary of state post next week.

But even if Obama's vetting process appears overly scrupulous, aides to the future commander-in-chief are likely more wary of an early disastrous appointment that would cause a wave of negative media coverage and raise early questions about Obama's leadership skills.

Such was the case in 1992, when the fresh-faced Bill Clinton nominated two separate attorney generals -- Zoe Baird and Kimba Wood -- both of whom had to withdraw themselves from the nomination process over revelations they had previously employed illegal immigrants. The embarrassing debacle came at the worst time for the new president, already facing criticisms over his shaky and seemingly disorganized transition.

"You'd rather have a smooth transition than a bumpy one," said Paul Begala, a former top aide to President Clinton and an analyst for CNN. "But a bumpy start does not necessarily presage a bad presidency."

President Bush and his aides also were embarrassed after nominating former New York City Police Commissioner Bernard Kerik to be the homeland security secretary. Heavily recommended by former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani, the Bush administration appeared to do little significant vetting of New York's top cop, and Kerik withdrew his name shortly after he was nominated.

Kerik said he was resigning because he had inadvertently employed an illegal immigrant, though questions about his stock holdings and an affair with book publisher Judith Regan soon arose -- further reflecting poorly on the Bush administration's judgment in selecting candidates to top leadership posts.

As presidential advisers look to past transition mistakes, it may only be natural that the staff vetting process gets more intense with each new administration. This is especially the case with Obama's transition team, largely constituted of former staff members to President Clinton who witnessed his bumpy first several months in the Oval Office.

"The Clinton transition was the worst in presidential history, so it's not surprising Obama's strict vetting process was designed by Clinton people," said Stephen Hess, a veteran staffer of the Eisenhower and Nixon administrations and the author of the new book "What Do We Do Now?: A Workbook for the President-elect."




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U.S. President George W. Bush speaks during the APEC CEO Summit in Lima Reuters – U.S. President George W. Bush speaks during the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) CEO Summit in …

LIMA, Peru – The White House said Saturday representatives of the nations trying to get North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons program have agreed to meet next month.

White House press secretary Dana Perino told reporters after President George W. Bush's meetings with Japanese Prime Minister Taro Aso and South Korean President Lee Myung-bak that there was an agreement to have the meeting but that announcement of the actual date in early December would be left up to China to make public.

The goal at the meeting would be to get agreement on the verification of North Korean's nuclear declaration and disabling of its nuclear facilities.

In announcing that the countries had agreed on the date for the next round of six-party talks, Perino said, "They have it worked out and China will announce it. There is a sense that this meeting will happen."

National Security Council spokesman Gordon Johndroe told reporters there is unity among the leaders involved in the six-party talks as they try to get North Korea to give up its nuclear bomb-making process by allowing inspectors to verify what is being done inside the secretive country.

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(Reuters) - The United States will work hard in coming weeks to forge a breakthrough that sets the stage for a successful conclusion of the 7-year-old Doha round of world trade talks, U.S. President George W. Bush said Saturday.

"I recognize that I'm leaving office in two months but nevertheless this administration will push hard to put the modalities in place so that Doha can be completed and so we send a message we refuse to accept protectionism in the 21st century," Bush said in a speech at a summit with other leaders of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum.

The Group of 20 developed and developing country leaders meeting last week in Washington "expressed solidarity with the idea of completing Doha, and now we've got to put those words into action," Bush said.

Bush used his final appearance at a international summit to preach a message of "free markets, free trade and free people" to help restore world economic health in the midst of the worst financial crisis since the 1930s.

He welcomed Peru and Australia's decision to join the United States, Singapore, Chile and Brunei in negotiating a regional free trade trade pact, and lashed out at Congress for failing to approve three free trade agreements with Colombia, South Korea and Panama before adjourning this week.



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ANCHORAGE, Alaska (AP) -- Oprah wants her, and so do Letterman and Leno. Fresh from her political defeat, Sarah Palin is juggling offers to write books, appear in films and sit on dozens of interview couches at a rate that would be astonishing for most Hollywood stars, let alone a first-term governor.

Sarah Palin continues to attract huge media interest despite her failed bid to become vice president.

Sarah Palin continues to attract huge media interest despite her failed bid to become vice president.

The failed Republican vice presidential candidate crunched state budget numbers this week in her 17th-floor office as tumbling oil prices hit Alaska's revenues. Meanwhile, her staff fielded television requests seeking the 44-year-old Palin for late-night banter and Sunday morning Washington policy.

Agents, including those from the William Morris Agency, have come knocking. There's even been an offer to host a TV show.

"Tomorrow, Governor Palin could do an interview with any news media on the planet," said her spokesman, Bill McAllister. "Tomorrow, she could probably sign any one of a dozen book deals. She could start talking to people about a documentary or a movie on her life. That's the level we are at here."

"Barbara Walters called me. George Stephanopoulos called me," McAllister said. "I've had multiple conversations with producers for Oprah, Letterman, Leno and 'The Daily Show."'


Asked whether Winfrey was pursuing Palin for a sit-down, Michelle McIntyre, a spokeswoman for Winfrey's Chicago-based Harpo Productions Inc., said she was "unable to confirm any future plans" for the show.

Palin may have emerged from the campaign politically wounded, with questions about her preparedness for higher office and reports of an expensive wardrobe, but she's returned to Alaska with an expanded, if unofficial, title -- international celebrity.

John McCain plucked Palin out of relative obscurity in late August and put her on the national Republican ticket. Now, she has to decide how and where to spend her time, which could have implications for her political future and her bank account, with possible land mines of legal and ethical rules.

Palin is considering about 800 requests for appearances from December through 2009, with 75 percent coming from out of state. A year ago, just a sprinkle of requests came from beyond Alaska's borders. They range from invitations to speak at The Chief Executives' Club of Boston to attend a five-year-old's birthday party, from a prayer breakfast in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, to a business conference in Britain.

Michael Steele, the former Maryland lieutenant governor who wants to be the next chairman of the Republican National Committee, is seeking face time.

She has invitations to make appearances in 20 foreign countries, typically with all expenses paid, McAllister said. She has more than 200 requests for media interviews, again from around the globe. Video Watch whether Palin has plans for 2012 »

"She has to pace herself," suggested veteran Hollywood publicist Howard Bragman. "She wants a career made in a Crock-Pot, not a microwave."

In her two months on the national stage, Palin energized the Republican base but turned off moderates and independents, according to some surveys. Flubbed answers in national television interviews raised questions about her competence. She was embarrassed by the disclosure the RNC spent at least $150,000 for designer clothing, accessories and beauty services for her and her family.

The right book or movie deal could help Palin reintroduce herself to the nation, on terms she could dictate. Video Watch Palin says she's ready to help Obama »

While books and movie deals could be worth millions of dollars, it's not clear if Palin would be able to legally earn it. State rules say she cannot accept outside employment for compensation. But there appears to be little in the way of precedent left by former governors to judge if book deals or lucrative speaking appearances amount to "employment."

Palin has sent unmistakable signals she is open to running for president in 2012, but to advance her political ambitions she must stay in the public eye in the lower 48 states. As with any celebrity, there is the risk of overexposure. At the same time, she'll be under pressure to attend to governing her home state, which is thousands of miles from the rest of the nation.

"She has to deal with the perception that she bobbled her debut," said Claremont McKenna College political scientist John Pitney. "She needs to stay home for a while. If she wants a future in national politics, her No. 1 job is doing a good job as governor."

Just this week, shortly after conducting a string of national TV interviews and skipping a state education conference, she was scolded by the Anchorage Daily News. "There are ... low graduation rates, plummeting North Slope oil prices, proposals to build alternative energy projects, the gas pipeline," the paper said in an editorial. "It's time for the governor to refocus on Alaska's needs."

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Editor's Note: Anthony J. Badger is Paul Mellon Professor of American History at Cambridge University and Master of Clare College. He is the author of "FDR: The First Hundred Days," "North Carolina and the New Deal" and "The New Deal: The Depression Years, 1933 --1940."

Anthony Badger says Barack Obama's administration could learn lessons from the New Deal.

Anthony Badger says Barack Obama's administration could learn lessons from the New Deal.

CAMBRIDGE, England (CNN) -- Students here in Cambridge watched in horror in September 2005 as they saw lines of desperate people snaked round the convention center and the Superdome in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina.

In the past couple of months, they watched with admiration the lines outside polling stations both on Election Day and in the early voting states. They found it difficult to imagine that voters in Britain would be prepared to queue for hours to vote.

No American election in recent history has aroused such interest in Britain among old and young alike. Partly, this is the result of the compelling drama of the long drawn-out primary battles, partly the result of the feeling that, whichever candidate was elected, there would be an end to the "arrogant unilateralism" (Robert McNamara's phrase in Cambridge in 2002) of U.S. foreign policy.

Partly, of course, it was the powerful narrative of an African-American running for the White House. Each August I teach 35 American high school teachers about the civil rights movement for the Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History in the far-removed historic buildings of Clare College. This year they reported their students were unprecedentedly enthusiastic about both Barack Obama and the political process.

I expressed deep skepticism that an African-American candidate could win a southern state. They had more faith in southern voters and they were right and I was wrong. As I have told British audiences, it was a stunning achievement for an African-American candidate to carry Virginia for the Democrats when three white southerners -- Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton and Al Gore -- failed to do so.

Now that President-elect Obama is preparing to take office, I was interested to hear he is reading about President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's first 100 days in office.


The situations in 1933 and 2009 do have similarities. In both cases, there is a discredited outgoing administration, a financial crisis, a lame-duck Congress which finds it difficult to act, a new President who is a talented communicator and has a popular election victory and large congressional majorities.

But 1933 was also very different from the situation that will face Obama in January. The Depression had been going on for four years. Between a quarter and a third of the industrial workforce was out of work. Farmers, who were a third of the workforce then, were desperate.

There were none of the stabilizers that exist now to protect ordinary Americans: no bank deposit insurance, no social security and the welfare and relief resources of private charities and local and state governments were exhausted.

The day FDR took office, the banks in New York and Chicago closed. The whole U.S. banking system ground to a halt.

The result was that Congress was desperate for bold leadership. Constituents let their representatives know that they expected them to support the president as if the country was at war.

When FDR proclaimed a national bank holiday and worked to reopen the banks, Republicans and Democrats supported him. The House passed the banking bill -- and they only had one copy of it -- in 43 minutes.

When Roosevelt addressed the nation on Sunday, March 12, it was a tremendous gamble. He told Americans it was safer to put their money back in the banks reopening the next day than to hide it under the mattress.

They believed him and the next day the money flowed back into the banks that had been allowed to open. There was no Plan B: If people had continued taking money out, absolute disaster would have followed.

Despite four months to prepare -- FDR was the last president to be inaugurated in March -- Roosevelt had no great template to put into effect when he took office. He seized opportunities. He used the banking proposals of holdover Republican officials at the Treasury and the Federal Reserve.

He proposed the National Recovery Act only after Congress threatened to pass share-the-work legislation that would have mandated a maximum 30- hour work week.

He only brought Harry Hopkins to Washington to set up a national relief program after existing appropriations relief allocation to the states ran out. He did not favor bank deposit insurance but accepted it. He accepted large public works spending reluctantly.

FDR had a penchant for quick-fix solutions for the economy like currency tinkering. But he also launched the Civilian Conservation Corps and the Tennessee Valley Authority, crop control programs for farmers, and regulation of the stock market and the banks, and he underwrote the refinancing of mortgage debt on a long-term basis.

Are there lessons for President-elect Obama? Perhaps there are several.

First, in the New Deal's industrial recovery programs, a provision for loans to businesses disappeared. As a result there was no mechanism for creating extra jobs in the private sector.

Perhaps Obama should preserve jobs in the economy by bailing out the auto industry.

Second, infrastructure investment works, as the New Deal's public works programs showed in highways, education, cheap electrical power and flood control.

Third, the first 100 days can be a window of opportunity to pass reforms that will not be possible later on, but complex structural changes -- like FDR's introduction of social security -- may have to wait. For Obama, health care reform may be one of those issues that has to wait.

And finally, responding to an economic crisis requires the ability to improvise, to work across the aisle and to take measures that might at first be at odds with your original plans.



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Doctors gave U.S. Attorney General Michael Mukasey a clean bill of health Friday morning after an apparent fainting spell, according to Gina Talamona, spokeswoman for the Department of Justice.

Michael Mukasey is helped as he begins to collapse during his speech Thursday night.

Michael Mukasey is helped as he begins to collapse during his speech Thursday night.

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Mukasey, 67, was released from the hospital and returned to work Friday at the Justice Department.

"All tests at the hospital have come back with good results, and I feel fine," Mukasey said in a written statement.

The attorney general underwent medical tests at George Washington Hospital after collapsing Thursday night at the Federalist Society dinner at the Marriott Wardman Park Hotel in Washington.

The attorney general was given a CAT-scan on Friday morning which showed normal results, Talamona said. He was also given a MRI, a stress test and a stress echocardiogram.

"All of the tests have been reassuring. There is no indication that he suffered a stroke or any heart-related incident," Talamona said.

Mukasey had an uneventful night after being admitted to the hospital, she said, adding that he "looks good. He's very alert.

The doctors are describing him as very fit."

The doctors are describing him as very fit."

President Bush placed a call to Mukasey Friday morning.

"The AG sounded well and is getting excellent care," presidential spokeswoman Dana Perino said.

Mukasey was giving a spirited defense of the Bush administration's legal policies when his speech began to slur and he lost track of his thoughts about 30 minutes into his talk. Seconds later, he became rigid and then began to slump. Video Watch Mukasey's speech and collapse »

As Mukasey began to collapse, two people grabbed him and laid him on the stage. On a tape of the speech, a voice be heard saying "Oh, no oh! Oh my God!"

He was given medical attention on stage by a woman and three men before he was rushed to the hospital. EMS personnel arrived on the scene less than 15 minutes after his collapse. Video Watch update on Mukasey's condition »

Before the EMS arrived, one man is heard asking people to please stay in their seats. In the background, a voice is heard saying "bring his feet up." While Mukasey was being attended to, the audience remained seated and quiet.

Outside the hotel, police cars rushed to the scene. Moments later, a fire truck arrived and then an ambulance.

White House deputy press secretary Tony Fratto told CNN that President Bush has been informed of the situation and has Mukasey in his "thoughts and prayers." Video Watch Jeffrey Toobin's comments on Mukasey »

As he approached the podium and during the bulk of his appearance, Mukasey showed no signs of ill health.

During his speech, he praised the administration for "nothing less than a fundamental reorganization of our government" after the 9/11 terrorist attacks and blasted the "relentless critics of the very policies that have kept us safe."

Early in his speech, Mukasey noted Supreme Court justices were in attendance, and he praised John Roberts and Samuel Alito as "remarkably accomplished justices."

His speech was punctuated several times by applause from the audience.

Mukasey is a retired federal judge appointed to the bench by President Ronald Reagan.

He was nominated as attorney general by President Bush in September 2007 and was confirmed by the Senate in November 2007.

As a judge, Mukasey ruled that the U.S. government's detention of "dirty bomb" suspect Jose Padilla was constitutional, but that he must be allowed to meet with his attorneys.


During his attorney general confirmation hearings, Mukasey said he would make legal decisions based "on facts and law, not by interests and motives."

Mukasey also said he would resign from office if faced with a presidential order he believed was unconstitutional.



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Arizona Gov. Janet Napolitano (D), a border-state governor whose handling of immigration and homeland security issues brought her accolades from fellow governors, is President-elect Barack Obama's choice to serve as secretary of homeland security, Democratic sources said yesterday.

Napolitano, 50, was an early supporter of Obama and was the only sitting governor and current elected official tapped to serve on his 12-member transition advisory board.

She was reelected in 2006 to a second term as governor of Arizona, the home state of Sen. John McCain, the Republican presidential nominee in the race against Obama. Term limits would prevent her from running again.

Napolitano -- a former U.S. attorney for Arizona and state attorney general, and the first woman in both posts -- was said also to be a candidate for attorney general. Her fate became clearer once Obama tapped his campaign co-chairman and former Justice Department official Eric H. Holder Jr. as his top choice to head the Justice Department this week.

A source close to the process said that her selection was "99 percent" complete, while another added, "It's homeland security." Napolitano's selection was made pending vetting, according to CNN, which first reported the decision.

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The pressure on Henry M. Paulson Jr. in early September was greater than at any other time during his tenure as Treasury secretary. As he pored over the books of mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, he discovered that they were about to collapse and that the financial markets would experience what he called "a meltdown to end all meltdowns."
Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson and Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke waged a stout defense on Capitol Hill Tuesday of their management of a $700 billion financial bailout.

The federal government would have to seize the firms. But the law said their management would have to agree, and his own staff had reservations about whether Paulson had the legal authority to force them to surrender.

"Trust me," came Paulson's curt answer. "I'll get it done."

During his 28 months at the Treasury, Paulson has accumulated more power than nearly any of his predecessors and has wielded it boldly, even brazenly at times, in a bid to tame the financial crisis of a lifetime. He has burst through the customary boundaries that separate federal agencies, bent regulations to his will and pushed up against legal limits. As financial firms tumble and traditional oversight agencies prove impotent, Paulson has filled the void with his 6-foot-1 frame, summoning the rest of Washington and Wall Street to get in line.

"Even if you don't have the authorities -- and frankly I didn't have the authorities for anything -- if you take charge, people will follow," Paulson said in an interview. "Someone has to pull it all together."

He said regretfully that the financial upheaval has forced him to be a modern Robert Moses, the controversial 20th-century urban planner who acquired minor government posts and stretched their authority to reshape New York City as he saw fit. Though Moses never held elected office, he remade the landscape of New York through the cunning exercise of power.

Paulson had twice rebuffed the Bush administration by the time it offered him the post of Treasury secretary in April 2006. Paulson finally agreed but insisted on some terms. He would answer only to President Bush and not be subject to meddling by the president's economic policy advisers. And, Paulson recalled, he wanted it in writing.

The agreement laid the foundation. After the financial crisis erupted last year, Bush privately dubbed Paulson his "wartime general" on the economy, essentially telling him he would have White House backing for whatever measure he pursued, Paulson recalled in a series of interviews. That commitment endured even as Paulson steered the administration far from Republican orthodoxy on free markets.

Paulson used his influence within the administration to win even broader powers from Congress, allowing him to nationalize major financial institutions, either in part or entirely. The bills were sweeping in scope and gave him the latitude to spend hundreds of billions of dollars as he saw fit.

And Paulson unilaterally pushed his authority to craft initiatives even when, according a senior government official, he was not sure he had an airtight legal basis.

Confronted with the implosion of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, he didn't hesitate in identifying his course for the firms. He gave the companies' management just one day to review the Treasury's assessment of their situation, which revealed that each was on the verge of collapse. Then he summoned individually the two chief executives, Richard F. Syron of Freddie Mac and Daniel H. Mudd of Fannie Mae, to the third-floor conference room near his office in the Treasury building. Paulson sat across from them, along with Federal Reserve Chairman Ben S. Bernanke and the companies' regulator, James B. Lockhart III.









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